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Citizenship Rights (citizenship + right)
Selected AbstractsCitizenship Rights and Repatriation of RefugeesINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 1 2003Gaim Kibreab This article examines the relationship between access to or lack of access to citizenship rights in countries of asylum and the propensity of refugees to return. It hypothesizes that in situations where refugees enjoy civil, social and economic citizenship rights in the context of favorable structural factors - relatively secure employment, self-employment, social services such as housing, schools, health care and social security - the importance of repatriation may diminish as a viable option. In North America, Western Europe, Australia and New Zealand, where refugees are able to enjoy rights of citizenship with definite prospects for becoming citizens (through naturalization) or denizens through acquisition of permanent status, and where favorable structural factors provide for the enjoyment of a decent standard of living, they tend to remain regardless of whether the conditions that prompted displacement are eliminated. The policy environments and the structural factors for refugees sheltering in Less Developed Countries (LDCs) are the antithesis of those refugees in Developed Countries (DCs). As a result, millions of refugees in the South have been ,voting with their feet' homewards to recoup citizenship rights which they lost in connection with displacement and which they have been unable to achieve in exile. [source] Social Citizenship Rights and the Welfare Circle Dilemma: Attitudinal Findings of Two Chinese SocietiesASIAN SOCIAL WORK AND POLICY REVIEW, Issue 1 2009Chack-Kie Wong This paper places social citizenship momentum into the context of squaring the welfare circle for examination. Citizenship is a powerful world-level organizing principle especially by the minority groups for their claim of equal treatment. The squaring of welfare circle refers to the need of the governments to constrain their budgets but also meet the rising demands from and needs of their people. This comparative study looks at the attitudinal findings of two Chinese societies of Hong Kong and Taiwan to see whether or not the cultural factor can mitigate the momentum of social citizenship rights and the demand side of the welfare circle. Implications for social policy are also discussed. [source] Relocating Participation within a Radical Politics of DevelopmentDEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 2 2005Sam Hickey In response to (and in sympathy with) many of the critical points that have been lodged against participatory approaches to development and governance within international development, this article seeks to relocate participation within a radical politics of development. We argue that participation needs to be theoretically and strategically informed by a radical notion of ,citizenship', and be located within the ,critical modernist' approach to development. Using empirical evidence drawn from a range of contemporary approaches to participation, the article shows that participatory approaches are most likely to succeed: (i) where they are pursued as part of a wider radical political project; (ii) where they are aimed specifically at securing citizenship rights and participation for marginal and subordinate groups; and (iii) when they seek to engage with development as an underlying process of social change rather than in the form of discrete technocratic interventions , although we do not use these findings to argue against using participatory methods where these conditions are not met. Finally, we consider the implications of this relocation for participation in both theoretical and strategic terms. [source] Growing cohesive communities one favour at a time: social exclusion, active citizenship and time banksINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2003Gill Seyfang Community currencies have been put forward as a grassroots tool to promote social inclusion through community self-help and active citizenship. ,Time banks' are a new form of community currency in the UK which are receiving government support. Time credits are earned for each hour of voluntary service given, and can be used to purchase services from other members in return. This article discusses new findings from the first national study of time banks to assess their impacts and potential. An evaluative framework is employed which describes social inclusion as comprising effective economic, social and political citizenship rights. Evidence is presented from a national survey of time banks and from an in-depth case study of Rushey Green Time Bank, situated in a health care setting in a deprived area of south London. Time banks are found to be successful at engaging socially excluded and vulnerable groups of people in community activities , many for the first time , boosting their confidence, social networks, skills and well-being, as well as opening up possibilities for challenging inequitable social institutions and creating spaces where different values prevail. Their potential as tools for democratic renewal, promoting civic engagement and active citizenship is discussed. Les ,unités de valeur' communautaires sont considérées comme des outils essentiels pour encourager l'inclusion sociale grâce à une entraide communautaire et une citoyenneté active. Les ,banques de temps' constituent une nouvelle forme d'unité de valeur communautaire au Royaume-Uni, avec le soutien du gouvernement. Des crédits de temps, acquis pour chaque heure de bénévolat donnée, peuvent servir à acheter en retour des prestations auprès d'autres membres. L'article examine les résultats de la première étude nationale sur les banques de temps afin d'en estimer l'impact et le potentiel. Un cadre d'évaluation est appliqué, définissant l'inclusion sociale comme un ensemble de droits effectifs, à la fois économiques, sociaux et de citoyenneté politique. Des indications sont fournies par une enquête nationale sur les banques de temps, et par une étude de cas approfondie de la Rushey Green Time Bank portant sur les services médicaux dans une zone défavorisée du sud de Londres. Ces banques réussissent à impliquer dans des activités communautaires des groupes de population , souvent pour la première fois , socialement exclus et vulnérables, renforçant leurs réseaux sociaux, confiance, compétences et bien-être, tout en leur offrant des possibilités d'affronter des institutions sociales inéquitables et en créant des espaces où prévalent d'autres valeurs. L'article traite aussi du potentiel des banques de temps comme outil de renouveau démocratique, stimulant engagement civique et citoyenneté active. [source] Migration and Policies in the European Union: Highly Skilled Mobility, Free Movement of Labour and Recognition of DiplomasINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2001João Peixoto This article evaluates the relationship between highly skilled mobility (especially by individuals with university-level degrees) and migration policies. Data from the European Union (EU) and Portugal (in particular) provide the empirical basis of the research. EU policies regarding the free circulation of individuals which aim to build the "common market" for economic factors (including labour) are reviewed, as are the more specific recognition of diplomas policies for professional and academic purposes, and recent levels of international mobility in both the EU and Portugal. The article also enumerates the main obstacles that, from a political and legal or social and cultural perspective, explain the low mobility revealed by those figures. Obstacles include the broad denial of citizenship rights; the necessity of assuring a means of sustenance; linguistic and technical exigencies for diploma recognition; the social attributes of work (more explicit in the service sector); and the institutional nature of national skilled labour markets. The main exception to the low mobility rule , movements of cadres in the internal labour markets of transnational corporations , together with flows in other multinational organizations, are also reviewed. In these, migrations are relatively exempt from political constraints and, significantly, avoid the recognition procedures adopted by the EU. In other words, it seems that the entry of highly skilled individuals in a transnational corporation, and not their citizenship in a Europe without frontiers, is what enables them to achieve effective mobility. [source] Citizenship Rights and Repatriation of RefugeesINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 1 2003Gaim Kibreab This article examines the relationship between access to or lack of access to citizenship rights in countries of asylum and the propensity of refugees to return. It hypothesizes that in situations where refugees enjoy civil, social and economic citizenship rights in the context of favorable structural factors - relatively secure employment, self-employment, social services such as housing, schools, health care and social security - the importance of repatriation may diminish as a viable option. In North America, Western Europe, Australia and New Zealand, where refugees are able to enjoy rights of citizenship with definite prospects for becoming citizens (through naturalization) or denizens through acquisition of permanent status, and where favorable structural factors provide for the enjoyment of a decent standard of living, they tend to remain regardless of whether the conditions that prompted displacement are eliminated. The policy environments and the structural factors for refugees sheltering in Less Developed Countries (LDCs) are the antithesis of those refugees in Developed Countries (DCs). As a result, millions of refugees in the South have been ,voting with their feet' homewards to recoup citizenship rights which they lost in connection with displacement and which they have been unable to achieve in exile. [source] Social Citizenship Rights and the Welfare Circle Dilemma: Attitudinal Findings of Two Chinese SocietiesASIAN SOCIAL WORK AND POLICY REVIEW, Issue 1 2009Chack-Kie Wong This paper places social citizenship momentum into the context of squaring the welfare circle for examination. Citizenship is a powerful world-level organizing principle especially by the minority groups for their claim of equal treatment. The squaring of welfare circle refers to the need of the governments to constrain their budgets but also meet the rising demands from and needs of their people. This comparative study looks at the attitudinal findings of two Chinese societies of Hong Kong and Taiwan to see whether or not the cultural factor can mitigate the momentum of social citizenship rights and the demand side of the welfare circle. Implications for social policy are also discussed. [source] Institutions, Inequality and Social Norms: Explaining Variations in ParticipationBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 1 2007Michael Lister This article seeks to explain why electoral participation varies over time and space. It develops a hypothesis that one factor is the nature of social citizenship rights, which relates to welfare state provision. The article argues that institutions shape and influence social norms and, in so doing, affect individual behaviour. Rights which are more universal in nature encourage norms of solidarity and participation in ways that more residual systems do not. Therefore, where welfare states are more universalist in nature, we should see higher levels of participation. I use inequality rates as a measure of welfare state outputs to investigate this and find a significant negative relationship between inequality and electoral turnout. This suggests that the nature of welfare state institutions has an effect upon individuals' political behaviour. [source] |